Why gerald ford was a bad president




















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Newsletters Donate My Account. Research Topics. The media, moreover, portrayed the "WIN" campaign as a silly public relations gimmick. Additional roadblocks thwarted Ford's plans for economic recovery. First, with congressional midterm elections fast approaching, politicians had little use for higher taxes and cuts in federal government services. Second, Ford's critics accused him of ignoring the problems of the unemployed as he focused on inflation.

Indeed, unemployment had grown from 5. The economy, Ford finally admitted in December , was in recession with economic production falling and unemployment rising. The President offered a new plan to deal with the nation's economic woes in January Additionally, Ford asked Congress to hold the line on government spending.

Democrats responded by decrying Ford's flip-flop on taxes and by criticizing his efforts to stimulate the economy as too little, too late. Ford regarded this mix of tax cuts and federal spending as irresponsible. Politically, however, he had little choice but to sign the bill, for a veto would only play into Democratic critiques that he had done too little to help the economy.

Thereafter, Ford insisted that he would not accede to any more hikes in government spending. The Democratic Congress, however, believed that economic recovery necessitated additional government expenditures; it kept sending spending proposals to the White House, most of which Ford vetoed.

For the rest of his term, Ford waged a war with Congress over the appropriate balance between tax cuts and government expenditures. Ford's travails with Congress over energy policy were no less difficult.

In his January proposal, Ford asked for a tariff on imported oil, the end of price controls on domestic oil, and a new tax on domestic oil producers. His goal was to stimulate domestic oil production, which he believed would cause prices to drop in the long term as supply increased. The tax on American oil companies was a political necessity, a sop to a public that viewed oil companies as greedy profit-mongers.

The political reaction was predictable: conservative Republicans were not happy with the tax on American oil companies, while Democrats believed that the tariff, the tax, and the end of price controls would only increase prices. Ford and the Democrats argued about his energy proposal throughout before reaching a deal in December. In an Omnibus Energy bill, Ford accepted a percent reduction in domestic oil prices in return for authority to end price controls on oil over a forty-month period.

Ford and his advisers knew they had compromised but feared that Congress would not only override a veto, but that the political damage to the President would be too great if he did not go before the electorate in with some success in energy policy.

Just as important, Ford believed that ending price controls was a worthwhile victory, one that harmonized with his small-government, free-market philosophy. Unfortunately for the President, the Democrats could also claim victory, at least in the short term, for they had secured an immediate reduction in the cost of domestic oil.

The Democrats, it should be noted, worried that in the long term the end of price controls would raise the cost of oil. Conservative Republicans, on the other hand, had little to celebrate; they fumed at Ford's acquiescence to lower oil prices and his inability to win the immediate end to price controls. By , the economy had begun to recover.

The consumer price index—one measure of the rate of inflation—dipped from 9. Unemployment also receded; by January it was at 7. Nevertheless, the American economy remained sluggish. The most divisive issue in American race relations in the early and mids was busing.

No city dramatized the tensions and problems inherent in the busing issue more than Boston, Massachusetts. In the summer of , a Boston judge ordered the city school system to integrate immediately schools that were segregated and in close proximity by busing black students to predominantly white schools, and vice versa. In the parochial neighborhood communities of Boston, this was a recipe for disaster and violence. Mobs of whites greeted black children with taunts and obscenities, and fights broke out between black and white students inside the schools.

The violence only worsened throughout the fall, culminating in the stabbing of a white student and a subsequent riot. At the same time, U. Many Democrats—as well as the only black member of Ford's cabinet, Secretary of Transportation William Coleman—called on Ford to intervene. The President, instead, chose to stay on the sidelines and out of the political fire. Ford was in favor of integrated schools; he had attended an integrated high school in Michigan and had thoroughly enjoyed it.

But Ford opposed busing, largely because he believed the federal government had an obligation only to end "de jure" by law segregation rather than "de facto" by circumstance segregation. In Boston, Ford reasoned, schools were not segregated because of legal mandate, so the federal government had no role to play. Ford, it must be said, was ready and willing to intervene with federal troops if the Boston situation deteriorated so egregiously that it endangered public safety.

The President never reached this conclusion. He did, however, direct the Justice Department to press for a more conservative approach to integration. On this score, Ford and the Justice Department had little success. But Ford's actions on the busing issue reflected his preference for a less activist federal government that let state and local governments decide local issues.

Ford faced another potentially explosive issue—and another opportunity to demonstrate his desire to rein in the power and responsibilities of the federal government—when New York City nearly went bankrupt in the spring of Quite simply, the city's budget, which provided social services for a population the size of Sweden's, was greater than its income.

Throughout the spring and summer, New York City officials tried to get financial aid from the federal government, which already supplied one-quarter of the city's budget. Ford never seriously considered intervening, despite the advice of his vice president, New York's own Nelson Rockefeller.

In October , Ford publicly stated his opposition to a "federal bailout" of the city. Ford told his advisers, "I hope they understand this is it. Come hell or high water, this is it. The historian John Robert Greene suggests that Ford acquiesced on the bailout to satisfy Senator James Buckley of New York, whose support the President desperately needed in the upcoming election year.

Ford's reversal, however, did not help his political standing with conservative Republicans, who saw his actions as another example of Ford's lack of fealty to conservative principles. Grant Rutherford B. Hayes James A. Garfield Chester A. Roosevelt Harry S. Truman Dwight D. Eisenhower John F. Kennedy Lyndon B.

Bush Bill Clinton George W. Help inform the discussion Support the Miller Center. University of Virginia Miller Center. Gerald Ford: Domestic Affairs. Breadcrumb U. Pardoning Richard Nixon Ford's ascent to the presidency implicitly promised the end of the Watergate scandal.

The Ford Administrative Team Early in his administration, President Ford faced another challenge which threatened to burden him with the sins of his predecessor: what to do with Nixon's cabinet and staff, whose assistance he needed in the near term to run the White House effectively. Stagflation and the Energy Crisis The deteriorating American economy, however, was the key domestic issue Ford had to address.

Busing and the New York City "Bailout" The most divisive issue in American race relations in the early and mids was busing. Gerald Ford Essays Life in Brief. Life Before the Presidency. Campaigns and Elections. Domestic Affairs Current Essay.

Foreign Affairs.



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